• Loading stock data...

Mike Pompeo Plans to Push His Anti-LGBTQ Commission at the UN

Alex Halada/Zuma

For indispensable reporting on the coronavirus crisis, the election, and more, subscribe to the
Mother Jones Daily newsletter.

Two months after a controversial State Department commission elevated religious freedom at the expense of LGBTQ equality and reproductive rights, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is planning to promote its findings at the United Nations, Mother Jones has learned. 

During the UN General Assembly, which begins on September 15 in New York, Pompeo is expected to lead an event centered on human rights and, specifically, the report from the Commission on Unalienable Rights, which he formed last year. Meanwhile, on September 16, the commission’s chair and secretary are staging a virtual event with the US ambassador to the UN office in Geneva to present its report to the international community.

Since its formation, the commission has been a Pompeo project through and through, stacked with anti-LGBTQ scholars and headed by his former boss. Its ostensible purpose, which Pompeo outlined in a Wall Street Journal op-ed, was to distinguish between unalienable rights, which “are by nature universal,” and ad hoc rights created by “politicians and bureaucrats.” That argument—and the extremely public, anti-LGBTQ views held by its members—led the human rights advocacy community to disavow the commission and its report, which unsurprisingly turned out to prioritize religious freedom while labeling abortion and same-sex marriage as “divisive social and political controversies.” 

The harsh response has not deterred Pompeo in the slightest. Within weeks of the draft report’s publication in July, it had been translated into six languages, including Farsi. (Given the Trump administration’s increasingly hostile stance toward Iran, that was certainly no accident.)

“It just shows this is Pompeo’s pet project and he’s not going to let it go,” Mark Bromley, chair of the Council on Global Equality, told me. In an effort to blunt Pompeo’s broad promotion of the report, Bromley’s group and several other advocacy organizations, including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Equity Forward, and Human Rights First, have been emailing foreign diplomats urging them to reject the report and not support Pompeo’s UN event. 

“We are aware that Secretary Pompeo plans to host a high-level meeting on the Commission during the opening week of this year’s UN General Assembly,” reads one email obtained by Mother Jones that was sent to several European Union officials. “We are therefore calling on you not to support this event to make clear to the US government and the public that you reject the Commission’s dangerous view of selective, nationalized human rights.”

Various advocacy group leaders, including Rob Berschinski, senior vice president for policy at Human Rights First, emailed different diplomats as part of the campaign against Pompeo’s event. “There are a number of foreign governments that are really concerned by the commission and its work,” he told me, but acknowledged the difficulty in inspiring any US ally to speak out. “This is sensitive. Anytime democratic governments find themselves needing to criticize the US government on a matter of human rights, it’s by definition a complex topic to negotiate.”

A State Department spokesperson declined to comment for this story, but a different department official confirmed that the event in New York is being planned with Pompeo’s participation. Many world leaders are not traveling in-person for the meeting, but President Trump has said he feels an “obligation” to appear in person. Two sources familiar with the planning of the event said it is not intended to be as direct a promotion of the report as the virtual event on September 16, which includes an interview with Peter Berkowitz, director of the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff, and Commission Chair Mary Ann Glendon, according to an invitation I obtained from Bromley.

Berkowitz, who also served as the commission’s executive secretary, has been among the more prominent State Department officials to publicly back the report, penning a RealClearPolitics op-ed ahead of its release and defending it during a Heritage Foundation virtual panel event last month. 

In addition to fears that the commission could be used to undermine LGBTQ equality and reproductive rights, human rights advocates are also concerned about the way dictators might use the report as a way to devalue universal rights. Pompeo’s endorsement of it at the UN does nothing to allay those fears. “Helpfully, we’ve provided the Chinese a translation so they can quote it back to us in defense of their actions in Hong Kong,” Bromley said. 


The Election Interference Is Coming From Inside the White House

Donald Trump

ichael Reynolds/CNP via ZUMA Wire

For indispensable reporting on the coronavirus crisis, the election, and more, subscribe to the
Mother Jones Daily newsletter.

Last week, 11 Democratic senators signed on to a letter to Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin demanding the United States impose new sanctions on Russians who attempt to interfere with the 2020 election. “There is virtually no national security threat more serious,” they wrote, “than that posed by those who would undermine confidence in, and the effective operation of, our democratic elections.”

After the events of 2016, when Russian hackers attacked the Democratic National Committee and other high-profile Democratic targets, the prospect of a foreign nation again disrupting the presidential election is a real concern. (A Senate report released last month detailed renewed efforts by the Russian government to spread disinformation in order to influence the campaign.) But this year, there’s another hostile power putting its thumb on the scales to help President Donald Trump. From the United States Postal Service to the Department of Housing and Urban Development to the Justice Department, Trump has sought to use the federal bureaucracy to advance his own personal ends to a degree that’s unprecedented since the days of Richard Nixon. So far, the government that’s interfering most aggressively and overtly in the 2020 election isn’t Vladimir Putin’s—it’s Trump’s.

Presidents have long used the perks of incumbency to their advantage when campaigning, by showering special attention, for instance, on the states they need to win to secure reelection. But Trump has reoriented the mission of government itself, using the levers of power to hurt his opponents, suppress damaging information, and bolster his own campaign messaging.

The most infamous example of Trump’s use of the powers of state for electoral ends was his attempted shakedown of the Ukrainian government—for which Trump was ultimately impeached. In that case, Trump threatened to withhold military aid to coerce an allied nation to manufacture dirt on a political rival, former vice president Joe Biden. In other words, he used official diplomatic channels to bait—unsuccessfully—a foreign government into intervening in the 2020 election.

“Corrupting an election to keep oneself in office is perhaps the most abusive and destructive violation of one’s oath of office that I can imagine,” Utah Republican Mitt Romney said last year, explaining his vote to convict Trump in the Senate. Democrats warned that if Trump wasn’t taught a lesson by way of impeachment, he would simply be emboldened to keep abusing his office for political purposes.

And he has. Just a few weeks after he was acquitted in the Senate, Trump hired Richard Grenell, a longtime Republican operative who also served as ambassador to Germany, to serve as acting director of national intelligence. Grenell’s main accomplishment in that position was stoking the conspiracy Trump has dubbed “Obamagate.” Using his rarefied government perch, he selectively declassified intelligence in order to suggest that Biden had illegally spied on Trump’s campaign in 2016. It was part of an effort to turn the actual misdeeds of Trump’s inner circle into a conspiracy theory about his opponent—an electoral disinformation campaign run by the United States government

“I think you’ll go down as the all-time great ‘Acting’ ever, at any position,” Trump told him in May as Grenell exited the DNI role. Grenell promptly took a job with the Republican National Committee.

Meanwhile, Attorney General Bill Barr has suggested he might soon release the “Durham Report,” the Justice Department’s investigation into…the Justice Department’s investigation of Russia’s intervention in the 2016 election. The attorney general has made no secret about the timing.

“I’ve said there are going to be developments, significant developments, before the election,” he said in an interview on Fox News last month.

Despite public pressure from Trump, Barr has said that he doesn’t expect the Durham Report to lead to any criminal investigations of Biden or former president Barack Obama, and has lamented “increasing attempts to use the criminal justice system as a political weapon.” But in late August—in the middle of the Republican National Convention that was itself held, in part, at the White House—the Justice Department announced it was requesting more information from four Democratic governors on their handling of the Coronavirus pandemic, while “evaluating whether to initiate investigations.” They included the governors of Michigan and Pennsylvania, two swing states at the center of Trump’s re-election strategy. “This really does smell,” a former DOJ official told HuffPost.

Barr, meanwhile, has used his position as the nation’s chief law enforcement official to spread false information about voter fraud, in an attempt to influence the conduct of the election itself. On CNN, in an effort to impugn the legitimacy of mail-in voting, he invented a story about a Texas man who voted 1,700 times in one election—something his office later conceded never happened. It was a message seemingly ripped from the president’s reelection campaign.

Government interference can take the form of promoting disinformation, and it can take the form of suppressing information. On Tuesday, in a move the New York Times called “highly unusual,” the Justice Department intervened in defense of Trump in an ongoing defamation lawsuit brought by the writer E. Jean Carroll, who has alleged that Trump raped her in the 1990s. Trump denied the charge and claimed she had fabricated the story because she was “selling a new book.” The government’s official position is that when Trump said Carroll was “not my type,” he “was acting within the scope of his office or employment at the time,” according to the department’s court filing.

It’s a major assist to Trump, who was facing mounting legal bills from the case, as well as the prospect of having to provide DNA evidence and testify under oath in the coming months. As the Times put it, “The motion also effectively protects Mr. Trump from any embarrassing disclosures in the middle of his campaign for re-election.” In 2016, Trump had Michael Cohen to hush up damaging personal revelations. Now he has the DOJ.

Few nodes of the administration are immune from being co-opted for campaign purposes. Not even the Department of Housing and Urban Development, which in July undid an Obama-era rule that gave teeth to a long-unenforced provision of the Fair Housing Act. Trump made no secret of the political calculation behind the move—he was trying to set up a contrast between himself and Joe Biden, who he warned would “ABOLISH suburban communities” by letting “low-income” residents “invade” their neighborhoods.

Some synergy between policy and politics is to be expected—it’s natural that someone who violated the Fair Housing Act as a businessman would continue to undermine it as president. But HUD officials have taken an unusually active part in the fall campaign. Secretary Ben Carson spoke at the RNC, and HUD Region II Administrator Lynne Patton produced a video for the convention featuring interviews with New York City public housing residents, who criticized their Democratic mayor, Bill de Blasio, while praising their interactions with the Trump administration. The New York Times reported the next day that the residents who were interviewed did not realize they were being used as props in a partisan convention video—they thought they were cooperating with a powerful representative of a federal agency. Such is the problem: In the Trump administration, in 2020, it is impossible to tell where the government ends and the campaign begins.

The same holds true at the US Citizenship and Immigration Services, which held a citizenship ceremony at the White House during the convention as part of a stunt to soften the president’s image. (The participants reportedly were not aware that their major life event was part of the president’s re-election effort.) At the same time, the agency was poised to disenfranchise between 200,000 and 300,000 citizens-in-waiting by delaying their naturalization process. “The absence of these hundreds of thousands of ‘missing voters,’ many of whom live in swing states,” argued the Washington Post’s Catherine Rampell, “could be sufficient to sway the election.”

Rarely has the government interference been as explicit as it was in August, when Trump bragged that he was starving the United States Postal Service of bailout funds it had requested in the hopes of sabotaging mail-in balloting in the presidential election. “They need that money in order to have the post office work so it can take these millions and millions of ballots,” Trump said. “But if they don’t get those two items…that means you can’t have universal mail-in voting, because they’re not equipped to have it.” (The USPS subsequently announced that it would continue to prioritize the handling of ballots.)

Trump, after botching the government’s response to the pandemic that has killed nearly 200,000 Americans, has also tried to exploit the crisis. He has repeatedly floated the prospect of making a Covid-19 vaccine available before the election—perhaps, he said last Friday, as early as October. Thankfully public health officials, at least so far, sound more reluctant to get involved in Trump’s election schemes. Although the CDC raised eyebrows last week when it instructed states to be prepared to distribute a vaccine by November 1—two days before the election—the chief adviser for the government’s vaccine program clarified to NPR that it was “unlikely” a vaccine would be available by then, and that the memo was merely a precautionary measure.

Although Food and Drug Administration officials have insisted their vaccine approval process will not be influenced by the campaign, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention sent a memo to states last week instructing them to be prepared to distribute a vaccine by November 1—two days before Trump’s self-imposed election deadline. The problem with a president who uses public policy for personal ends is you can never really tell when one becomes another.

Last month, Politico reported that the Department of Health and Human Services is considering spending up to $250 million on a media blitz to “defeat despair and inspire hope” on the pandemic in the coming months. While public-service announcements are hardly unusual, the spending blitz prompted a concerned letter to HHS Secretary Alex Azar from Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), wondering if it was “a thinly-veiled effort to use taxpayer dollars on a propaganda campaign to support the President’s reelection effort.”

And this summer Trump deployed federal law enforcement agencies and in some cases the military to American cities to suppress protests—in an attempt, once more, to reshape the narrative around which his national campaign is unfolding. That is, the notion that Americans won’t be safe in Biden’s America. On Wednesday, a whistleblower at the Department of Homeland Security alleged that top officials at the agency used their power to manipulate intelligence reports in order “to ensure they matched up with the public comments by Trump on the subject of ANTIFA and ‘anarchist’ groups”—in other words, they used federal resources to cook up justification for Trump’s campaign attacks against Biden. According to the same whistleblower, DHS was simultaneously squelching information about Russian interference because it would reflect poorly on the president. Covering up election interference is its own form of election interference.

This isn’t the first election in which Trump used government resources in an attempt to reshape the outcome. Just days before the 2018 midterms, Trump sent 5,000 troops to the US–Mexican border in a barely-concealed gambit to force Democrats on the defensive on the subject of border security and immigration. (The troops withdrew almost as soon as the votes were done being counted.)

But the 2018 ploy was a failure. And therein lies the silver lining for Democrats. Trump has demonstrated practically every day the fragility of political norms; with toothless laws like the Hatch Act, and an accommodating Senate, the separation of campaigning and governance exists more or less on the honor system. It turns out it’s incredibly easy to cynically treat the federal bureaucracy like an arm of the RNC. But when you’re doing it all in plain sight, sometimes that becomes the story.


Coronavirus and Russia: Trump and the GOP’s Double Betrayal

Minh Hoang/AP

For indispensable reporting on the coronavirus crisis, the election, and more, subscribe to the
Mother Jones Daily newsletter.

Not since the Civil War—when leaders responsible for the enslavement and brutalization of millions of Americans sought to destroy the United States and took military action that resulted in the violent deaths of hundreds of thousands of citizens—has a group of politicians so profoundly betrayed the republic. And this band—Donald Trump and GOP officials—has done so on two fronts simultaneously. They have failed to respond effectively to a pair of immense threats: a pandemic that has claimed the lives of close to 200,000 Americans, and a foreign attack on the political foundation of the country. What exacerbates this double tragedy is that Trump and his Republican supporters have done so purposefully. This has been no accident or act of unintentional incompetence. In each case, they sacrificed the public interest—including the well-being and the lives of millions of Americans—to serve their own interests. Trump and his crew have forsaken the United States of America.

It can be easy to lose sight of this big picture, as headlines explode every hour within a political media world cursed by tribalized partisan divisions. There already exists more than enough information to support such an extreme-sounding verdict. But evidence piles up each day—perhaps coming so fast as to overwhelm. The latest revelation (as I write) regarding Trump and the coronavirus crisis is that he told reporter Bob Woodward in March, “I wanted to always play it down.” Here is confirmation of what Americans had repeatedly seen with their own eyes for months: Trump lied about the dangers posed by this killer virus. And those lies, mostly unchallenged by his Republican allies and largely echoed by conservative media propagandists, shaped the ineffectual federal response and influenced how millions of Americans viewed the risks posed by the pandemic. One example: sticking with this big lie, Trump, who in early February privately told Woodward that the virus was airborne, refused to encourage mask-wearing. It’s likely that thousands—or tens of thousands—have died due to this. 

Trump now claims he did not want to spark a panic. That is clearly another lie. This man relishes in causing panic when it doesn’t exist: the immigrant caravan, antifa, the end of the suburbs. He downplayed the pandemic because in his misguided political calculation he believed such bad news would harm his election prospects. (Actually, doing his job well in response to this crisis would have been a damn good electoral strategy. But that did not seem to occur to Trump.) So he tossed out bullshit while Americans were perishing and the economy was crashing. He abandoned his solemn duty to protect the citizenry instead holding rallies, focusing on his TV ratings, and dismissing (and promoting disinformation about) the gravest threat to the nation in decades. All through his me-first dance of denial, Republicans stood by Trump. They cheered him on at Tulsa. They watched as he led the nation toward calamity and death. They accepted this; they enabled it all. Trump endangered the nation, and they were just fine with that. 

Now the public has confirmation—from Trump!—that he wantonly neglected his number-one job: to safeguard the United States. 

Trump has done the same with Russia. It may seem like an old story by now, but Trump’s colossal betrayal has never fully registered. By the end of the 2016 campaign, it was clear that Vladimir Putin had mounted a covert attack on the election to help Trump and that Trump and his henchmen had aided and abetted that operation by falsely denying Russia was behind it. In the time since—due to media investigation and the Mueller inquiry—the public learned that the Trump campaign tried to collude with a secret Kremlin plot to assist Trump; that Trump had been secretly negotiating a mega-deal in Russia during the campaign (and seeking Putin’s assistance); that there were multiple contacts between Trump campaign officials and Russia-related actors; and that Trump actively sought to exploit the Russian attack for his own benefit. For years, it has been known that Trump lied about much of this, and he has openly refused to hold Putin responsible for undermining American democracy. Ever sensitive about his electoral victory being tainted, Trump has continued to parrot Moscow’s we-didn’t-do-it disinformation and embraced bizarre and baseless conspiracy theories that absolve Putin, including the nonsensical notion that Ukraine had mounted the attack and was hiding Democratic Party computer servers.

This is another blatant abandonment of his responsibility as commander in chief. The United States was attacked, and Trump sided with the enemy and did nothing. Worse, his comrades in the Republican Party and right-wing media have covered for him (and, in a way, for Putin). They act as an amen choir for Trump’s claim that the Russia story is a “hoax.” They do his dirty work in attempting to divert attention from the Russian attack and the Trump campaign’s role to other matters: the FBI’s mishandling of a surveillance warrant, the unfounded charge that the Obama administration spied on Trump, the Moscow-generated propaganda that Ukraine, not Russia, was somehow the culprit. And they do this even as evidence emerges that Russia is aiming for a repeat in 2020, intervening in the election once more to assist Trump.

There has long been bountiful proof for this awful story of appalling betrayal. But—there’s more. The evidence keeps coming. A few weeks ago, the Senate Intelligence Committee (which is run by Republicans) released a report (endorsed by Republicans) that confirmed the story to date: Russia attacked in 2016 to boost Trump, and the Trump camp assisted and exploited this assault. But it went further, disclosing that Trump’s campaign manager, Paul Manafort, colluded during the election with a Russian intelligence official who was possibly tied to the Kremlin’s hack-and-leak operation that targeted Democrats and Hillary Clinton’s campaign. It reported that Trump tried to use Roger Stone as a back channel to WikiLeaks while WikiLeaks was part of the Russian plot, and that Trump likely lied to special counsel Robert Mueller when he said he had no recollection of this. The report pointed out that Trump and his Republican allies have been advancing Russian disinformation. 

The report fully backed up the Mueller report and the 2017 assessment by the intelligence community that Putin had intervened in 2016 to aid Trump. It undermined Trump’s claims of “hoax” and “no collusion.” (What else do you call secret meetings and encrypted communications between a campaign manager and an officer of the intelligence agency of a foreign adversary?) It thoroughly undercut right-wing claims—which Attorney General Bill Barr has been trying to bolster—that there was no good reason for the FBI in 2016 to open an investigation of contacts between Trumpers and Russia. Yet Republicans uttered practically nothing about the main findings. Instead, when the report was released, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), the acting chair of the committee, focused on the FBI’s problem-ridden surveillance warrant for Carter Page, a former Trump campaign foreign policy adviser whose 2016 visit to Moscow has still not been fully explained. 

The Senate Intelligence Committee report depicts Trump covering up for Putin and exploiting an attack on the United States. It shows him placing his own priorities far above the welfare of the country. This is indisputable. Still, his defenders will point to the sky and insist it is purple. They are all in it together: placing the nation in jeopardy for partisan and personal gain. This is treasonous behavior. 

And the story doesn’t end. Trump did nothing when reports emerged that Russia had offered Afghan militants rewards for killing American GIs. He did nothing when it was publicly confirmed that Russian opposition figure Alexei Navalny was poisoned by a nerve agent used by Russian operatives. Nothing.

On Wednesday, yet another explosive data point hit. The House Intelligence Committee released a whistleblower complaint filed by Brian Murphy, a top official at the Department of Homeland Security who until last month ran its Office of Intelligence and Analysis. Murphy says he was ordered by Chad Wolf, the agency’s acting secretary, to stop providing intelligence assessments on Russia’s ongoing interference in the 2020 election and instead focus on China and Iran. Murphy notes Wolf told him this command came from Trump’s national security adviser, Robert O’Brien. So here’s a credible allegation that lines up with other accounts of the Trump White House seeking to ignore, dismiss, or hide intelligence related to Moscow’s current attempts to sabotage an American election to help Trump. (Murphy also notes that he was pressured to produce intelligence falsely stating that large numbers of suspected terrorists were crossing the southern border into the United States and to lowball intelligence on the domestic threat posed by white supremacists and pump up the possibility of violence from “left-wing” groups. He says he resisted these efforts.)

In Murphy’s telling, Trump has essentially ordered the US government to stand down in the face of an attack from an overseas foe. What can you call this? Traitorous? The FBI and the US intelligence community have openly stated that Russia is trying once again to pervert a presidential election. Trump, who in early 2017 told Russian officials he didn’t care about the 2016 attack, is ignoring all this, as he assails voting systems and claims results that have him losing will be rigged. He is destabilizing the political system, providing Russia even more of an opening for interference. He is giving aid and comfort to the enemy. 

Trump, with the help and backing of his Republican devotees, has allowed two foreign threats to undermine the United States. In both cases, he would not recognize the gravity of the situation. In each instance, he explicitly denied a serious threat was real. He did so because he believed such lying to be in his political interest: Russia didn’t intervene to help him, and the coronavirus would magically disappear. Perpetuating those falsehoods has endangered the nation and its citizens. Hundreds of thousands of Americans have died, and a bedrock of American democracy—presidential elections—is being imperiled.

The politicians who protected Jim Crow and advocated white supremacy poisoned the nation and brought severe harm upon millions. With their scandals, Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan threatened the constitutional order. But Trump and his GOP minions top that. They have literally and seriously become an existential threat: A massive number of Americans are dead because of them, many Americans have lost their livelihoods because of them, and the US political system is at serious risk because of them. There has been no greater betrayal of the United States since the Confederates took up arms against the Union. When all this is done, Trump and his accomplices, too, will deserve no statues and no honor. They will merit only infamy.


Daily Crunch: Apple revises App Store rules

Apple’s making App Store changes, China might stop TikTok’s acquisition and we talk to Polish venture capitalists about the startup scene. This is your Daily Crunch for September 11, 2020.

The big story: Apple revises App Store rules

Apple announced a bunch of changes to its App Store guidelines today, with details about how it will support new iOS features like App Clips and much more.

For one thing, it sounds like the App Store will now support game-streaming services like Microsoft’s xCloud and Google’s Stadia. The main caveat is that games available through these services must have their own listings in the App Store and be available as a separate download.

In addition, Apple is also offering more flexibility to “reader” apps like Netflix, and said it’s supporting a new category called “free stand-alone” apps, which could include email apps like the disputed Hey.

The tech giants

Facebook launches poll worker recruitment push in the News Feed — With the election looming and a pandemic still raging through the U.S., a shortage of poll workers is one of many threats to voting this November.

Elon Musk says Tesla will ‘one day’ produce ‘super efficient home HVAC’ with HEPA filtering — While primarily an automaker, Tesla is also already in the business of home energy and power generation, thanks to its acquisition of SolarCity.

Startups, funding and venture capital

China may kill TikTok’s U.S. operations rather than see them sold — According to reporting by Reuters, the Chinese government may prefer if TikTok simply shutters its U.S. operations instead of allowing it to be sold to an American company.

Santander spins out its $400M fintech venture capital arm, now called Mouro Capital — Santander, the Spanish multinational banking giant, is announcing that its fintech venture arm is to be spun out and will be managed more autonomously going forward.

Toucan raises $3 million to teach you new languages as you browse the web — The startup has developed a Chrome browser extension designed for anyone who wants to learn a new language but hasn’t found the motivation or the time.

Advice and analysis From Extra Crunch

10 Poland-based investors discuss trends, opportunities and the road ahead — The first in a two-part survey series about the nation’s startup ecosystem.

VCs pour funding into edtech startups as COVID-19 shakes up the market — 2020 should crush 2018’s edtech fundraising record.

(Reminder: Extra Crunch is our subscription membership program, which aims to democratize information about startups. You can sign up here.)

Everything else

England’s long-delayed COVID-19 contact-tracing app to launch on September 24 — Scotland and Northern Ireland already have their own COVID-19 contact-tracing apps.

TechCrunch still brings the fun to Disrupt 2020 — Disrupt may be virtual this year, but we’re still making time for levity, swag and kick-ass entertainment.

The 2019 TechCrunch Include Report — TechCrunch is reporting our 2019 events and staff diversity numbers, the fourth report since we started tracking.

The Daily Crunch is TechCrunch’s roundup of our biggest and most important stories. If you’d like to get this delivered to your inbox every day at around 3pm Pacific, you can subscribe here.